HISTORY OF TIMOR 2 (The Discovery of Timor)

2

The Discovery of Timor

Relative to the seventeenth Century, little documentary evidence remains or has been uncovered on the Portuguese in Timor in the sixteenth Century, the Century of discovery, albeit, not yet permanent European settlement on Timor. Whether this owes to Portuguese secrecy or, as the Portuguese writer Porfirio Campos asserts, allegations of criminal negligence on the part of one Governor in allowing fire to destroy the Dili archives in 1779,1

The problem remains for the modem student of Timor's history, just as it puzzled those Portuguese historians who sought to write the history of the island a century earlier. While, as discussed below, much can be inferred from the scattered and obscure writings of the first Dominican missionaries in the Lesser Sunda islands along with contemporary travellers' reports, we should not ignore a prior Chinese interest in Timor. Notably, as revealed by modern scholarship which emphasizes the importance of Asian regional networks and zones alongside the literature on "incorporation", it is important to consider the way that Timor fitted into or, at least, interrupted, Asian tributary and long-distance trading networks radiating out o variously, Java, Malacca and China, prefiguring by centuries European interest in the island's fabled source

of coveted sandal groves.2

The Sandalwood Trade and Chinese Discovery of primer

The importance of sandalwood to outsider interest in Timor is such to merit dig1'eSsion. Most studies of Timor agree that early contacts with Timor was linked with sandalwood exploitation. While santalum album L is not unique to Timor, but also occurs in certain Pacific island groups, Madagascar, India, and Australia, the islands of Timor, Sunda, and Solor were host to the highest quality white sandalwood in demand. Until resources were massively depleted in the nineteenth century, sandal was widely dispersed through rumor up to 1300 metres in altitude. Crawfurd, writing in 1820, observed of this perfumed wood, that the best "is that nearest the root of the tree; and for this reason, the largest billets are the highest priced". 3

Writing of the ancient sandalwood trade, the geographer Ormeling offers that it bore the character of a thin gold thread linking Timor with Java's coasts add on to India and China. In both these countries the aromatic wood found use in religious and burial ceremonies long before the advent of the Portuguese. Chinese incense sticks offer but one example of the use of sandal in powdered form. It was also the coveted raw material used for the carving of fans and boxes. Oil extracted from sandal was also highly valued. As such, sandal entered the circuits of long-distance trade as a luxury item. Despite the entry of this commodity into world market, Timor was relatively untouched; transactions were mainly with local rulers and the foreign impact was restricted to the coastal regions.4

Dutch scholars have established that, at the time of the Javanese empire of Srivijaya (circa tenth century AD), sandalwood from Timor was transported to the Malacca Straits area and then via the monsoon-controlled trade routes to India and China. Crawfurd, citing local "annals", observed that as early as 1332 the Javanese along with Malays frequented Ternate in the Spice Islands as the "first link in the long commercial chain" reaching from the Moluccas to Europe. There is no question that sandal from Timor entered this chain as a commodity of Indian or Arab

trade.5

We also know from such Chinese sources as the 1225 accounts of the Chinese Inspector of Overseas Trade Chau-Ju-Kua, that Timor was regarded as a place rich in sandalwood. Ming dynasty records are more eloquent on the subject, describing Timor as an island covered with the aromatic wood and having at least twelve landing places where Chinese merchants made their landfall.6 Also from this time a direct sea route to Timor was opened up by Chinese navigators through the Sulu and Celebes seas to the Moluccas.7

From his reading of Chinese sources on this question, Roderich Ptak has established that the earliest extant Chinese description of Timor is that contained in the Tao-i chin-lueh (circa 1350):

[Timor's] mountains do not grow any other trees but sandalwood which is most abundant. It is traded for silver, iron, cups, cloth from Western countries and coloured taffetas. There are altogether twelve localities which are called ports...

In any case, the Tao-i chin-lueh, is of interest in suggesting, inter alia, direct trade between Timor and China, high profits realized from the sale of sandal, and the presence of possible Javanese, Indian, or Arab traders in Timorese ports as bearers of goods from the west.8

While no other Yuan or early Ming sources refer lo the continuation of direct trade between Timor and China, Ptak speculates that it could be either accidental, or the rise of Majapahit on Java in the second half of the fourteenth century may have interrupted the trade routes. Though Chinese documentation on the South Seas trade increases exponentially because of maritime activity connected with Cheng Ho's famous expeditions, there is no hard evidence that his ships directly touched Timor. Ptak summarizes that, in the period before Portugal's conquest of Malacca, it is fair to assume that sandalwood was shipped to China by both Chinese and non-Chinese merchants on the main commercial routes running via the Celebes, the Moluccas, and the Sulus, before 1400, and via Java, and Malacca after 1400. 9

Indeed, this is confirmed by an anonymous Chinese manuscript entitled Shun Feng Hsiang Sung or "Flair Winds for Escort", a nautical compendium 'composed about 1430 with additions up until or after l571. Timor figures as the southernmost destination out of 100 voyages mentioned, albeit connected by the western route across the South China sea. Sailing instructions for the route from Patani to Timor reveal direct passage off the east coast of the Malay peninsula, via Tioman, Karimata, south towards Bantam on Java, east through the lesser Sunda islands, entering the Sapi strait between Sumbawa and Komodo island, continuing east skirting the southern shores of Flores but with Sumba in sight direct to the western end of Timor (Ch'ih-wen). From here the Chinese traders chose a course that would take them either to the north o

south coast of the island, in the latter case sighting Solor (Su-1, ta-shan). The voyage from Bantam, after skirting the north coast of Java, follows close to the same itinerary. Besides naming Kupang (Chu-Pang), the Shun Feng Hsiang Sung, indicates five other toponyms on the north coast of Timor visited by Chinese ships. Mills, who has studied this question, identifies these places as Tanjung Sulamu at the entrance of Kupang Bay, Batek Island, Wini, and, proceeding eastwards, perhaps Tanjung Tuwak Mesi, Maubara, Loiquiero, and the northeast extremity of Timor. Six places are mentioned on the south coast of Timor, at the end of the Roti Strait, in the vicinity of Noilmina Bay, and Amanubang.l0

Antonio Pigafetta, scribe aboard the Victoria, sole surviving ship of Magellan's circumnavigation, also passed specific comment on Timor's sandalwood trade and the role of Chinese in this trade.11

All the sandalwood and wax which is traded by the people of Java and Malacca comes From this place, where we found a junk of Lozzon which had Come to trade for sandalwood... and the goods which are commonly taken in trade for the sandal are red cloth, linen, steel, iron and nails.

Of this it can be adduced that, by acting as intermediaries, the "people of Java" delivered up sandal and wax to Malacca thereby connecting Timor with the major arc of Chinese trading-tributary networks in the South China sea zone, while the presence of the "junk of Lozzon", Suggests a resumption of a more direct route to China, albeit via the less favoured eastern route according to prevailing winds and the trading season. We do not know the size of this trading junk, but it could have been considerable. Chinese sea-going junks of the early 1600s were frequently 400 to 800 tons capacity often carrying crews of up to 500. The point is, however, that China's retreat into isolation after the great maritime. voyages of the Ming, coupled with the

dramatic irruption of Portuguese seapower into the South China Sea, meant a fundamental shift in the way that trade was Conducted, including the trade in sandal, notwithstanding the obligatory accommodation on the part of the Iberian power with local tributary networks.

The European Discovery of Timor

With Afonso d'Alberquerque's conquest of the Muslim Sultanate of Malacca astride the strategic straits of that name on 15 August 1511, Coming only three' years after the Conquest of Goa, Portugal was poised at, perhaps, the greatest moment in its historical world expansion, namely the thrust eastwards, to the source o silk and silver in China, and Japan, and to the source of fabled spices in the Moluccas islands. Ideological vindication for this dramatic thrust eastwards received additional stimulus with the news that the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) had just awarded Portugal the whole hemisphere from the Atlantic to the China Sea, although it is significant that the island famed for its sandalwood is not mentioned in this document. Within months of the conquest of Malacca, Alberquerque received Royal orders to send an expedition to the Moluccas, to determine which side of the meridian they lay, to establish relations with local rulers, and to

secure a Portuguese monopoly over the spices and sandalwood trade. To achieve this mission, Antonio de Abreu, hero of the siege of Malacca, was chosen to head a fleet of three vessels. Second-in-command was Francisco Serrao accompanied by Francisco Rodriques, the pioneer

cartographer of the East Indies. Legend-but not history -also has it that Fernao Magellan accompanied this mission which departed Malacca in November 1511. Arriving in the Moluccas, Serrao was left behind while Abreu and Rodriques turned southwest coasting along the interlocked group of islands comprising Wetar, Timor, Alor, and Solor "all so close together as to appear like one entire mainland". But whether or not they actually sighted Timor remains a matter of some conjecture. According to Mclntyre, Timor was sighted and marked on a chart, but

the landing was made at Solor. This author finds it possible that a number of degredado or deported convicts were unloaded at Solor, the genesis of the Solor-Timor Colony.12

Portuguese historians Armando Cortesao and Humberto Leitao, both of whom made careful study of the relevant rota or sailing directions, refute evidence that Timor was sighted on this journey. While Flores and Solor were charted and represented by Rodriques in the form of pictograph representations of mountains and even human settlements, and while the expedition undoubtedly Coasted past the northern coast of the lesser Sunda chain to the east of Flores, it is not the same as saying that direct observation of Timor was made. Nevertheless, as these authors confirm, one can adduce from various letter and documents that within three years of the first mission out of Malacca, direct contact had been made wit Timor by the Portuguese. 13

While Timor along with the Moluccas was undoubtedly known to the Portuguese from the time of their arrival at Malacca, or even earlier as sandal from Timor was one of the trade items entering the marketplace in Goa, the name of the fabled island is first mentioned in Portuguese documentation in a letter written by Rui de Brito Patalim to King Manuel on 2 January 1514. 4

The apocothery and envoy of the first Portuguese mission to China, Tome Pires, noted in his Suma Orienta in 1515, a route "entre esta illa da Solor e de Bima e o canal para as ilhas de Timor", and that junks go there for sandal.15

Timor, along with Solor, is also mentioned in several paragraphs in the manuscript of Duarte Barbosa entitled "Livro em que da relacao do que viu e ouviu no Oriente", written in 1516. 16

Additionally, a report drafted for the King of Portugal from the Captain of Malacca, Afonso Lopes da Costa successor of Jorge de Brito, is explicit in revealing direct contacts with Timor: "os nossos junques que varo pera banda de Timor e Malaquo". From this, and other fragmentary documentation such as price figures for sandal that appear in correspondence sent from Malacca, we can confirm that within a few years of the conquest of Malacca the Portuguese had set on a course that would lead to the exploration of the islands east of Java and that the key motivating factor was direct access to the source of the lucrative sandal trade. 17

Needless to say, Portuguese intelligence on the Sunda archipelago expanded rapidly in this period. In several paragraphs of the Suma Oriental, Tome Pares crystallizes extant commercial knowledge on Solor, Timor and Sumba, specifically mentioning the presence of "heathen" kings, Solor's food resources along with all-important sulphur, and, with much emphasis, the singularity of the sandal reserves on Sumba and Timor. As Pires declaims: "The Malay merchants say that God made Timor for sandalwood and Banda for mace and the Moluccas for cloves, and that this merchandise is not known anywhere else in the world". 18

While documentation on specific Malacca-Timor voyages undertaken by Portuguese in this period are extremely thin, one, that of Jorge Fogasa undertaken in 1516, undoubtedly commissioned by Jorge de Brito (1515-17) is recorded in the form of a letter from Malacca to King Manuel. We lean that the expedition successfully brought back to Malacca lucrative amounts of sandal. But it was also apparently the case that Fogasa resorted to force in the act of collection, perhaps also sowing the seeds of future conflict. As, the letter continues, "they left a land in revolt, since the Portuguese men bludgeoned the merchants of the land"19

It is noteworthy that no specific mention is made in early documents of the e1.eCtion of a padrao or stone monument on Timor, the typical Portuguese practice and symbol of conquest, nor does it appear that the Portuguese ever consummated any single act of conquest on Timor in stone or by treaty. Moreover, the Portuguese record of this age offers no explicit description of Timor. Unless further documentation comes t light, this honour owes to Antonio Pigafetta. Unquestionably, the arrival off the village of Amabau (Ambeno) near Batugede on the north central coast of Timor on 26 January 1522 of the Victoria captained by Juan Sebastian del Cano along with a crew of 46 Spaniards and 13 native crew acquired on the course of the voyage through the Philippines and Moluccas islands, heralded the discovery of rumor in Europe. As with other islands and kingdoms in the archipelago visited by the Victoria, Pigafetta's description of Timor is singular-especially concerning trade, local economy and kingship-Wand bears retelling in full: On Saturday the twenty-fifth of January, one thousand five hundred and twenty-two, we departed From the island of Mallua [Alor]. And on the Sunday following we came to a large island five leagues distant from the other, between south and southwest. And I went ashore alone to speak to the chief man of a town named Amabau, that he might give us provisions. lie answered that he would give us oxen, pigs, and goats; but we could not ag1.ee together, because he desired for an ox, too many things of which we had little. Wherefore since hunger constrained us, we retained in our ships one of their principal men with a son of his, who was from another town called Balibo. And fearing lest we kill them, they gave us six oxen, five goats, and two pigs, and to complete the number often pigs and ten goats they gave us an ox, for we had set them to this ransom. Then we sent them ashore very well pleased, for we gave them linen, cloths of silk and of cotton, knives, mirrors, and other things. It is notable that despite an 18-day sojourn on the island, Pigafetta fails to mention the presence of certain dietary staples, suggesting, perhaps, that eon was introduced by the Portuguese in historical times. While he did not speak of Timor as a new European discovery, he did, however, pass allusion to the presence on the island of the "maladie Portugaise", "Saint Job's" disease or venereal disease that could only have been passed on by travellers from the "New World", in other words by Iberian sailors.

On the people of Timor, their form of government and the enduring myth of Timor gold, Pigafetta continued: This lord of Amabau, to whom I spoke, had only women to serve him. They go all naked like the others, and wear in their ears little gold rings hanging from silk threads, and on their arms, up to the elbow, they have many bracelets of gold and of cotton. And the men go, like the women, but they have and wear on their neck certain gold rings as large and round as a trencher, and set in their hair bamboo combs garnished with gold. And some of them Wear other gold ornaments... On the other side of the island are four brothers, its kings. And where we were there are only towns, and some chiefs and lords of them. The names of the habitations of the four kings are: Oibich [Behale], Lichsana [Liquisa?], Suai, and Cabanazza [Camanassa]. Oibich is the largest town. In Cabanazza (as we were told) a quantity of gold is found in a mountain, and they purchase all their things with certain small gold pieces which they have. For once and for all Timor becomes part of the Western geographical imagination, as much an extension of Cartesian space: All this island is inhabited, and it is very long from east to west but not very wide from south to north. It is in the latitude often degrees towards the Antarctic Pole, and in the longitude of one hundred and sixty-four and a half degrees from the line of partition, and it is named Timor. 20

Long years would pass before Timor would enter the written record in Europe, a matter of discretion as much naval and mercantile intelligence.21

Still, cartographic images of Timor and Solor heralded the islands to a world audience. Beginning with Rodriques' map of c.1513, which marks Timor with the inscription, "onde nasce o sandalo", the island is also depicted in the Atlas Miller in 1519, the Pedro Reinel map of 1520, the Diego   Ribeiro's world map of 1529, and the socalled Dieppe maps or mappe monde. With the production of the Pierre Descaliers' map of 1550, the Lesser Sunda Islands from Flores to Timor are well delineated.

As heralded by the publication in 1615 of Declaracao de Malacca, Timor also had a special place in the cartographic design or at least imagination-of the Malaccaborn Luso-Malay cosmographer and "discoverer" of Australia, Manuel Godinho de Eredia. But more was at stake than mere cartographic representation. Unquestionably, the Portuguese (and Spanish) monopoly over the basic facts of navigation in eastern water took a plunge with the "defection" of Dutchman Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, five years Secretary to the Viceroy of Goa, whose massively documented and copiously illustrated ltinerium ofte Schipvaert naer Oast ofte Portugaels lndien, published in Amsterdam in 1596, aided the Dutch in their advance, even though his information may not have been decisive.

The Solor-Flores Zone

Although well established in the Moluccas by 1522 where treaties secured between the Portuguese and the Sultan of Ternate guaranteed a monopoly over the clove trade, at least until a resurgent Ternate drove them out in 1574, Portugal was as yet unable to establish a permanent settlement on Timor. Rather, in 1556, two years after founding a church in Malacca, members of the Dominican order, named after their early thirteenth century Spanish founder, Domingos de Gusmao, chose to first settle the small island of Solor to the northwest of Timor. This act owed to the pioneering evangelism of Father Antonio Taveira. While the Society of Jesus had spearheaded evangelization in China, Japan, and other parts of Southeast Asia, the appointment of Dominican superiors to the newly founded dioceses of Malacca and Cochin, an initiative made possible by a papal bull of 1558 creating the bishopric of Goa, led to the reservation of the Lesser Sunda islands to the attentions of the Order of Preachers.22

As with Timor, Solor, also known as Solor Velho or Lamaquera, Was known to the Portuguese from the time of their arrival in Malacca or even before. Fortified by the Dominicans to afford protection to local Christian villages against Muslim raiders from the Celebes, Solor emerged as the main entrepot for Portuguese trading activities in the eastern archipelago or what is described here as the Flores Solor zone, providing a haven from the malarial coasts of Timor and a good anchorage where ships could wait out the Changing monsoon winds.23

For these and other reasons, we have a far better picture of the early years of Portuguese activity in Solormthan on Timor even a hundred years later. That Solor is better documented / than Timor also owes to the publication and survival of various missionary texts and church histories that began to be published in Europe in the early decades of the seventeenth century, among them, as mentioned, Joao de Santos', Ethiopia Oriental and Luis de Sousa's Historia de S. Domingos. In this formative period, the Estado da India, a reference to Portugal's eastern empire based on Goa, appear to have had relatively little interest in directly con trolling the islands, leaving the Dominicans to exercise both religious and temporal power. In any case, by the early 1560s, with the arrival of principal missionarie and the construction on Solor of a monastery, the Dominicans claimed some 5,000 converts in Solor, Timor and Flores.24 while Dominican texts are not in agreement as to the founding date of the Solor fort, according to Leitao, planning for its construction was obviously a priority as the isolated settlement came under threat from marauding Muslim warriors, and in 1566 a stone and lime Construction was in place. From an early date units of armed guards were contracted with one of their number nominated as Captain

and Confirmed as such by Malacca or Goa. The link with Goa, then the site of the major Portuguese arsenal in the East, was strengthened in 1575 with the arrival of an armed ship along with captain and twenty soldiers.25

In 1595, the Estado da India assumed the right to appoint the Captain, a matter fiercely contested by the Dominicans who saw their privileges reduced. The first incumbent under the new system was Antonio Viegas.26

The seasonal character of trade, or in Anthony Reid's phrase, "the seasonality of voyaging" has to be remarked upon, especially as the Solor-Flores zone is monsoonal and the long distance trade linking the islands to Goa and later Macau depended upon the rhythm of the trade winds. Invariably over long time the caravels departed Goa in April or September laying over in Malacca until the end of the year for the southward-blowing monsoon. Certain of the cargo of prized Indian fabrics would be traded in Java for Chinese copper coinage in turn exchanged on the journey eastwards for rice and low quality cotton goods in Sumbawa, later to be bartered for spices in Banda and Ternate. Some of these voyages reached Solor and others touched rumor seeking out sandal, returning to Malacca with the southeast monsoon between May and September. Unquestionably, this seasonality not only ensured the development of entrepots where traders waited out the changes of winds but, in the case of Solor and Timor, eventually led to permanent settlement by priests and officials 27

The religious and commercial importance of Solor is also nagged in the Livro das Cidades, e Fortalezas, a handwritten Portuguese account dating from 1582. Solor is described as hosting a number of Dominican priests along with a fortaleza or small fortification from where the Captain of the Solor fort, answered to Malacca and to where trade to the value of 3,000 to 4,000 cruzados annually was directed. Timor was identified as the lucrative source of red and white sandalwood and gold. Trade in these items with India via Malacca was said to be worth 500 cruzados. More valuable still was the trade between Macau and Timor reckoned at 1,000 cruzados, 28

although this would not yet have been direct. By any measure, the Solor story is incredible for the number of times it changed hands. In 1598, the fort of Laboiana (Levahojong or Lavang), after the principal settlement on the northern side of the island, was partly burnt in an abortive rebellion mounted by native forces against the Captain Antonio de Andria, although soon rebuilt and restored. We know that it was well located close to the sea but on high ground with deep valleys on either side. In 1602 Muslim Buginese attacked the fort with a force of 37 ships and

3,000 men. Only the chance arrival of a Portuguese meet lifted the siege. Needless to say, the risks undertaken by the Dominicans pioneers often led to an early death, by disease, shipwreck or more gloriously, martyrdom at the hands of their Mouro or Islamic opponents. Certain images of the rectangular-shaped and bulwarked fort and churches of Solor have been bequeathed to history. Among them is the gravure of Solor reproduced in Pedro Barreto de Resende's Livro do Estado da India Oriental published in 1646. Not to put too fine a point on it, the Solor fort, along with that of Tidor and Macau, represented the easternmost trading post of the Portuguese in a system of fortified cities and islands stretching from Sofala, Mombassa and Mozambique island on the African coast, to the fortress of Muscat and Ormuz in the Gulf area, to Diu, Goa, Cochin and the Coromandel coast of India, to various points on Ceylon and the Bay of Bengal to Malacca astride the straits of that name. But having won out against Muslim rivals in the Indian ocean, the Portuguese were badly exposed in the eastern archipelago to European rivals in what appeared as a zero sum game in the scramble for riches over souls. Inevitably, the arrival in the East Indies in the last years of the sixteenth century of ships belonging to Protestant Holland brought the Portuguese and Dutch into direct conflict in the Far East. Although Dutch merchant ships used to trade to Lisbon before transshipping their goods to northern Europe, this cosy arrangement came to an abrupt end with the 1585 "Act of Abjuration" on the part of the United Provinces signalling a virtual war between Holland and Spain. Between 1585 and 1600 ten prohibitions against trade with Spain and Portugal were issued by the States General. In 1589-90 English and Portuguese meets clashed off India and, with the arrival of Captain James Lancaster at Bantam on Java in 1601 England also entered into direct competition with Holland and Portugal for the eastern trade. Eager to Control the source of nutmeg and other spices at the source, the Dutch carried the fight to the Moluccas driving the Portuguese out of Tidor in 1604-06, only to have Spain fill the Portuguese role. But neither was the Portuguese position enviable in Malacca, where they fought running wars against Muslim rivals in Aceh and Johore, and from

1606, began to bear the full brunt of the Dutch challenge. The Dutch, notably agents of the newly founded Dutch East India Company (VOC) which visited 1"imor for the first time in 1613, also sought to west control over the lucrative sandalwood trade in the Lesser Sunda islands. In this year a Dutch meet under Apollonius Schotte succeeded in capturing the Portuguese fort on Solor, bu not before the doughty Dutch captain had sailed into Botton (Buton) a strategic island off the southeast coast of the Celebes midway between Java and the Moluccas, where he signed a treaty with the local authority, probably only converted to Islam some 23 years prior. Arriving off the fort on Solor on 17

January 1613, Schotte's ships bombarded the fortification, while troops landing to attack from the rear burn the town around it, capturing the fort from Alvarez, the Portuguese commander, the following April. According to the terms of surrender, the Portuguese were free to return to Malacca. Alvarez obliged, although a number of so-called "black" Christians deserted to the Dutch side. Altogether some thousand Portuguese, "blacks" and mestico, along with seven Dominican priests, took refuge in Larantuca close by on the eastern tip of Flores, where the Dominicans had earlier established a college in 1599. From Schotte's description Solor and Flores hosted a complex socio-religious demography. On Solor he identified three villages of "new" Christians, with another six on Flores, each Christian village ruled by a military officer

and priest. His account also offers one of the earliest references to the presence of guns in these

Christianized communities, alongside such traditional weapons as bows and arrows, shields and sabres. Besides a large mass of unconverted villagers, he found five Muslim villages on Solor variously subject to the Sultanates of Macassar and Temate. Leader of the anti-Portuguese camp in the islands he identified as one Kitebal, a forced Christian convert whose father had been killed by the Portuguese and who entertained correspondence with Muslim rulers on Botton, Macassar and Bintan and also with the king of Mena on Timor. 29

Renamed by the Dutch, Fort Henricus, the Solor fort was placed under the Command of Adriaan van der Velde, who, according to historian Manuel Teixeira, destroyed the church and Misericordia allowing the converts to lapse back into idolatry. Abandoned in 1615, the fort in Solor was reoccupied in 1618 by Captain Crijin van Raemburch, installed as Opperhoofd or Chief. In May 1620 van Raemburch launched an unsuccessful attack on Larantuca still the major centre of Portuguese influence in the islands. In 1621, the Portuguese, in turn, failed to retake the island, now defended with Muslim help. A Dutch attack against Larantuca in 1621 also failed. Meanwhile, bad morale in the Dutch camp led to numerous desertions including, in 1624, Jan Thomaszoon, van Raemburch's successor as commander of the Solor fort.30

In a fateful turn of events, and to the great dismay of the Dutch, the new Captain of Solor, Jan de Horney, likewise deserted to the Portuguese of Larantuca in February 1629. This act prompted the VOC to again abandon the Solor fort. 31

Jan de Hornay's desertion induced the Dominicans to reoccupy the fort in April 1630. This was achieved by a group of missionaries arriving from Malacca via Larantuca, numbering Antonio de Sao Jacinto and Christovao Rangel, later Bishop of Cochin. Working with Rangel and the mission, the new Portuguese Captain Major of Solor, Francisco Fernandes, set about the restoration of the damaged fortress and convent This he achieved with the help of Macau which provided finance in the form of 700 patacas, six Chinese craftsmen including a fundidor or cannon-maker, muskets, and several of the esteemed cannons manufactured in Macau by the master cannonmaker, Bocarro. Fortified with 15 cannons, the Solor defenders successfully repelled a Dutch attack under Tombergen on 18 June 1636. Even so, the Dominicans soon abandoned the fort which remained untenanted for the next ten years at which time, in February 1646, it was reclaimed by the Dutch.32

As revealed by a letter of 1642 from the controller of customs at Goa to King Joao IV of Portugal signaling the discovery of copper on the island, a request to dispatch a caravella (caravel) to take over of the fort cam too late or was ignored. 33

Forced by the Dutch from Solor in 1636, the Portuguese moved their base to Laruntuca, often confused in period maps and writings as Solor itself, albeit in the same trading zone. The Dominicans also fortified the island of Mbinge (Ende) in Flores in the late sixteenth century, then an active site of commerce in sandalwood and slaves. Ousted in 1630 by acts of local intrigue, certain of the surviving Portuguese or at least Portugalized community settled in the tiny, nearby kingdoms of Sica and Paga, surviving under notional Portuguese rule until the nineteenth century. Overall, the Portuguese settlement at Flores in the 1620-30 period was an

integral part of a commercial network in which traders from Cochin, the Coromandel coast, Malacca, Macau, Manila, and increasingly, Macassar, all participated. 34

In 1647 the Dominicans, namely Antonio de Sao Jacinto, commenced building a fortification at Kupang which, as Boxer observes, was rightly sited at the best harbour and most strategic point on the island. With Sao Jacinto's recall to Goa in 1649, the Captain-Major Francisco Carnerio took over the fort.35

Only following an earthquake in Solor in 1653 were the Dutch encouraged to take over the Portuguese fortification, renaming it Concordia, thus beginning their domination of west Timor right down until Indonesia's full independence in 1949. From 1654-65, the Dutch entered into the first major "contracts" with the rulers of five Small states on the northwest coast of Timor that ring the Bay of Kupang, the so-caned "five loyal allies" of the Company. 36

It was small solace for Portugal that even after a Treaty of Peace was signed between King Joao IV and the United Provinces on 12 June 164l, Dutch meets continued to harass the Portuguese off Goa and Ceylon, and, more damaging, one year following Portugal's restoration of independence from Spain, carried the siege of Malacca, effectively blockaded since 1633. This devastating blow to Portuguese power in the east also led certain of the Portuguese to relocate to Macassar under the protection of the Sultan of Gowa, while others made their way to Larantuca. But the Dutch were also determined to destroy this network to its advantage. After repeated attacks, the VOC succeeded in defeating Gowa in the Battle of Macassar in 1667.

While this victory signalled a shift in the local balance of power between Portuguese and Dutch, on the one hand, and the Dutch and Muslims, on the other, again Larantuca received a further infusion of Portuguese refugees. Lach and van Kley have drawn attention to detailed information on Solor published in Lisbon in 1635. Of particular interest is the account of Miguel Rangel (1645), written to demonstrate that the Dominican fort o Solor was necessary to ensure free access to Timor's sandalwood and to protect the Portuguese and native Christians living there and on the neighbouring islands of Timor, Flores, and Ende. While Rangel waxes eloquent over Solor's salubrious natural endowments and trading advantages, his memo on the presence of all materials required for the manufacture of gunpowder, along with the presence of suitable timber for house and shipbuilding, offers certain insights as to the original choice of Solor as a place of settlement. 37

Besides Solor island itself, the Portuguese found in all the islands of the Solor group an abundance of trade commodities that complemented the specific natural resources required to support mercantile and religious communities in this isolated and hostile region of the archipelago. In fact, Solor was a dry and barren island and, besides the presence of game, produced little of its own food resources and was dependent upon imports from other islands. As Leitao points out, none of the islands were properly speaking vassal of any other power. Neither was there any form of centralized kingship on the islands. Rather, each settlement was ruled by a chief, on Solor know as sangue-de-pete and on the other islands atacabel or atuluque. 38

But then, as now, the islands of the Solor-Flores zone were remote in the archipelago, separated by dangerous straits and swift running tides. Barnes, who carried out research on one of the islands of the group between 1969-71, describes the population as fractured and distributed among many quite small societies and linguistic groups on a multitude of islands. The only unity he found was that the peoples of Andonara, Solor, and Lemblata spoke several mutually intelligible dialects of the Solor or Lamaholot language. Most of these peoples, he found, were simple slash-and-bum agriculturalists, living in mountain villages. The staple was dry rice or maize with some secondary crops for sale, depending upon access to markets. Some villages depended upon trade, 39 facts confirmed by the author in the course of a two-day visit to Kalahbahi on Alor Island in August 1974. Vi11iers' study on Portuguese trading links with the Solor group of islands is the most useful in English language. The largest of the islands, Flores, he writes, was the best endowed by nature, and especially capable of producing on irrigated fields a substantial surplus of rice, alongside yams, beans, sweet potatoes sugar cane, and millet. Flores also produced gamuti, a strong fibre used for ropes and ship's cables. In Flores, the Dominicans soon put to good use the sulphur produced by the volcanoes in the Straits of Flores

and the Bay of Ende, along with saltpetre to be found in Larantuca to Produce gunpowder of "high quality". 40

The island of Ende (sometimes Ende Menor or Torre) on the south coast of Flores was, according to Boxer the most important for the Portuguese after Solor. Fortified in 1595 by Fir. Simao Pacheco and supporting three churches, one inside the fortress and two outside, the Portuguese were driven out by native rebellions in 1605 and again in 1630. Dominican sources speak of a relief expedition sent to the Christian village of Ende in 1660.41

But, as mentioned, it was Larantuca which emerged as the major fortified Portuguese settlement in the Solor islands, especially after the decline of Solor. This was accomplished by the Dominican Father Rangel who, with the blessing of the Captain-Major of Larantuca, Francisco Fernandes, returned B70m Macau with money, workers, a gunpowder machine, iron-plated doors, and artillery.42

English privateer William Dampier, who visited Timor in 1699 soon after his not-too-successful voyage of discovery to Australia leant secondhand that Larantuca was "more populous than any Town on Timor; the Island Ende affording greater Plenty in all manner of Fruit, and being much better supplied with all Necessaries, than Laphao". 43

Such confusion over nomenclature could be excused on the part of Dampier, as Flores was known variously by seventeenth century navigators and writers as Servite, Ilha Grande, Larantuca, Ende, Ende Grande, Solor, Solor Grande, Solor Novo and Mangerai. Unlike Solor, the island of Adonara (sometimes Dnara, Lamala, Crama or Sebrao) was densely populated with seven or eight villages along one coast, most animist, but including one that converted to Christianity although, by the seventeenth century, converted to Islam. This beachhead of Islam was an obstacle to Portuguese dominance on Adonara but the Islamic element provided a reliable trade link to the Portuguese on Larantuca in times of peace. Fast of Adonara, the island of Lomblen (also know as Lobela, Levo-leva or the modem Lembata), was seldom visited by the Portuguese. Except for a Muslim village, the population was entirely pagan. Nevertheless, Lomblen produced a surplus in foodstuffs, and kept up a trade in wax, tortoiseshell, whale products, and slaves. Pantar island, (also known as Galiao, Putar, Also, Gal6cio and Pondai along with the other small islands in the Straits of Alor, did not apparently support any Christian

communities. Pantar, was, however, known as a source of very pure sulphur. Alor (Malua), where cannibalism was said to be practised, even up until the mid-t3eflentieth century, hosted neither Muslim nor Christian communities. Portuguese interest in Alor was confined to the collection of wax, slaves and tortoiseshell. The Portuguese also fanned out to the islands of Roti and Sam off the western tip of Timor, making Solor and, particularly, Larantuca, key marketplaces for the archipelago-wide trade in slaves. By 1599, according to the Ethiopia Oriental of Fr. Joao de Santos, the Dominicans had built a total of 18 Churches in the Solor islands, five in Solor, eight in F'1ores, three in Ende, and two on Adonara. 44

Boxer contends that it is not easy to ascertain who was even in control of affairs in Larantuca as there were always many candidates for the Captaincy among the mixed Larantuqueiro community of Portuguese soldiers, adventurers, Macanese traders, Dutch deserters, Chinese smugglers, and various racial admixtures Nevertheless, it is clear that the principal contestants were, as described in the following chapter, the two Eurasian swashbucklers, Antonio de Hornay and Matheus da Costa. 45

With Larantuca and Solor as fortified bases, hosting substantial Christianized communities with basic ecclesiastical institution established, with thriving marketplaces and manufacturies to support the seaborne trade, the Estado da. India established a commercial network, linked with the annual ships to Malacca but capable of a high degree of self-sufficiency and economic autonomy outside of the requirement for cannon and certain specialist trade Commodities such as iron goods and cottons. But, with the fall of Solor to the Dutch in 1613, Larantuca was developed as the principal Centre of Portuguese influence in the Lesser Sunda Islands. By the 1620s, Larantuca was linked to Macassar, where the Portuguese were also established, and, in turn to Macau, especially in the trade in sandal.

The Dutch and the Sandalwood Trade

While obviously the Portugaise Were Well informed from the earliest days as to the sources of sandal on Timor, their Calvanist rivals were not far behind. As Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, mote in his ltinerario "Timor has whole wildernesses of sandalwood and from thence it is carried to and throughout India, where it is used by Indians, Moors, Heathens and Jews". 46

Linschoten also observed that three species of the aromatic wood grew in Timor, namely red-yellow sandalwood which predominated in the east of the island, otherwise much in demand in India for various medicinal, cosmetic, and religious purposes, a citrono species regarded as of low quality found in the west of the island, and, in the centre, a yellow variety in high demand in Macau.47

Given this knowledge it is not so surprising that in the account of the Esrste Shipvaart, the first voyage to the East Indies by the Dutch (1595-97), sandalwood was recommended as an article offering good profits.48

Neither were the English backward in their knowledge of Timor's sandalwood. John Saris, who resided in the great trading mart of Bantam on the north coast of Java, between 1605 and 1609 prior to setting up English East India Company operations in Hirado in Japan, wrote of rumor that "it affords great store of Chindana, by us called white saunders, the greatest logs being accounted best". Of the trade in sandal along with "great cakes" of wax brought from Timor to Bantam by Chinese traders, Saris observed from market prices fetched in Bantam that it brought "great profit" when traded against such item in high demand in Timor as chopping knives, small bugles, porcelain, coloured taffaties, and pieces of silver. While, as Saris mentions, one of his men actually ventured to Timor with Chinese traders to investigate the trade at first hand, 49

The English did not succeed in following up the sandal trade with Timor at the source. Ormeling asks, with good reason, what w-as Dutch interest in a commodity that had virtually no market in

Holland? He explains that, from the beginning, Timor sandalwood provided a means by which the Company could break into the highly attractive trade with China. The failure of Governor General Coen's attempts to seize Macau in (1617-23, 1627-29) prompted the Dutch to drive the Chinese, Portuguese, and local Muslim merchants out of the Timor trade, leaving Batavia as the major sandalwood emporium in the East. In this strategy, the status quo of old would re-emerge whereby the Chinese would buy the sandal direct from Java. In fact, however, the Dutch failed to dislodge the Portuguese from Timor and never managed to impose their monopoly. On Timor, the VOC's influence was restricted to Kupang, and environs. Moreover, the Dutch were outmanoeuvred by the Chinese sheltered under the Portuguese nag at Lifau. As Adriaan van der Velde bewailed in 1614 after its first capture from the Portuguese: The Chinese offer in exchange such articles as porcelain, beads, gold, etc, which are in great demand on Timor and with which the Dutch cannot compete. In addition they offer the people of Timor more than we

do, since all the wares in China are abundant and cheap. 50

Rangel, writing in 1633, notes that Macau-based merchants reaped profits as high as 200 per cent on the sandalwood trade. In these transactions the Solor-based Portuguese merchants used gold while Chinese merchants used silver, or for smaller transactions, claris or clarins (small pin-shaped silver coinage) From Goa.51

Bocarro, the chronicler in-chief of the Estado da India, also recorded in 1635 that large profits were being made on voyages from Macau to Solor in the sandalwood trade, especially since dues were not paid on what was imported or exported: Owing to the blockade of the Strait of Singapore by the Hollanders, they can no longer Come and go this way, but go direct from Macao in well fitted-out pinnaces, which at arriving at Solor take in some native Christian soldiers, Most of whom keep themselves out of their pay, with which they go to the island of

Timor, thirty leagues distant from Solor, and there lade sandalwood, never failing to have frequent skirmishes by land and sea with the Hollanders, who likewise go thither to seek the same sandalwood; however the Portuguese always come off best, for since those of Macao are wealthy and not lacking in artillery, their pinnaces are very well found, whilst the soldiers they take on in Solor are very good, andmflight very resolutely against the Dutch. 52

There is no question that the Dutch blockade mentioned by Bocarro actually intensified the Portuguese rolemin the Southeast Asian trade, even though the mighty four-masted ocean-going caravels, that reached 2,000 tons in the case of the Goa-Macau-Japan trade, came to be replaced from 1618 onwards by far smaller and swifter galiotas or galliots, pataxo or pinnace, naveta or Portuguese rigged junks, fragata (frigates), and cargo or dispatch vessels, in the 200 to 400 ton range. There is also the sense that, apart from driving impor costs upwards, Dutch aggression against European rivals actually redounded in favour of the Chinese merchants who alone acted as intermediaries for Batavia and Dutch-controlled Solor. No less, given the failure of the Dutch to capture Macau or gain direct access to the Chinese mainland, the construction of For Zeelandia on Taiwan in 1634 notwith- standing, the VOC were obliged cargoes to the Chinese markets.53

to rely on Chinese traders to carry the precious

Conclusion

From our discussion of Chinese trading networks reaching to Timor, it is clear that from an early period the island was deeply enmeshed in a wider tributary-trading network, although we know next to nothing as to how the impingement of outsiders might have altered domestic power relations on the island. But, by the closing decades of the sixteenth century, it is clear that the Portuguese had not only displaced Asian trading rivals in the Flores-Solor-Timor zone, but, through the work of the missions, quickly established themselves as the dominant ideological/ civilizational force in a zone hitherto untouched by the great religions. Established as a Royal monopoly, the Solor voyages and the sandal trade ineluctably welded Solor and Timor into a Portuguese-dominated East Asian maritime trading network. The boom years, 1570-1630, identified by Reid in his magisterial study on archipelagian commerce, also fitted the pattern of the sandal trade from Timor, but, as demonstrated below; as an item of predominately Chinese and Indian demand, the sandal trade continued to nourish on Timor in Europe's century of crisis. The situation on Timor was thus unlike the spice trade of the fabled Moluccas, where the Dutch monopoly established in Banda in 1621 and on Ambon some thirty years later actually reduced supplies reaching Europe and where Clove trees outside the Dutch monopoly zone were actually destroyed in order to manipulate prices.54

As Ptak has pointed out, while far less important than pepper, sin, or silver in the overall East-West trade, and trade centred on sixteenth and seventeenth century Macau, sandal, of which the Timor area was the major source, was nevertheless in high demand over large parts of Europe and Asia including Japan.55

It is clear from the foregoing that the evolution of Portuguese authority in the archipelago during and after the "long" sixteenth century, responded to or worked within several important restraints, all of which we address in the following chapter. As described by Portuguese historian Artur Teodoro de Matos, these are fourfold; first, the Confrontation between Portuguese power and that of the Muslims of Macassar in zones over which both claimed nominal sovereignty; second, the threat posed by the Dutch East India Company; third, internal revolts fomented by the powerful Timorese kingdom of Wehale; and fourth, the actions of an indigenized or creolized group on Timor, notionally loyal to the Portuguese Crown, but in fact acting independently. 56

Notes

1. Pr. Porfldo Campos, "Algumas notas sobre Timor: 0 deseobrimento da Ilha", in Boletim Eclesidstico da Diocese de Macau, 3KXVI, No.419, February 1939.

2. See, for example, Satoshi lkeda, "The History of the Capitalist World-System vs. the History of East Southeast Asia", Review, XIX, 1, Winter 1996, pp. 49-77, in part an introduction and examination of the writings of Japanese scholars, Takeshi Hamashita and Heita Kawakatsu, notably the former's sense of regional-economy or worldiegion of which the Chinese tributary trade systenl COrreSPOnds to an intennediate layer of analysis existhg both before and a Rer the creation of the European world-system.

3. John Crawfurd, History of the Indian AjnChljpelago, (Vol.IID, Edinburgh, 1820, p. 42 1.

4. F.J. Ormeling, The Timor Problem, J.B. Wolters - Gronigen, Djakarta, Martinus NLhoffs-Gravenhage, 1956,p.96.

5. Crawhrd, History of the Indian AYIChljuelago, pp. 148- l49.

6. Ormeling, The Timor Problem, p. 96.

7. Yumio Sakurai, "The Structure of Southeast Asian History," paper delivered International Symposium Southeast Asia, Global Areastudies for the 21st Century, Kyoto, Japan, 18-22 October 1996, p. 11.

8. Roderich Ptak, "The Transportation of Sandalwood From Timor to Macau and China during the Ming Dynasty", Review of Cultujne, 1987, p. 32.

9.1bid.

10. J.V. Mills, "Chinese Navigators in lnsulinde about A.D. l500", Archljuel, No.18, 1979, pp. 69-93.

11. Antonio Pigafetta, Magellan 's Voyage: A Narrative Account of the First Circumnavigation, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1969, p. l41.

12. Gordon Mclntyre, The Secret Discovery of Australia souvenir Press, Australia, 1977, pp. 42-45.

13. prhe arguments and evidence of Armando Cortesao, The Suma Oriental ofnmi PLneS, Hakluyt, London, 1944 and Humberto Leitao, Os Portugueses em Solor e Timor, de 1515 a 1702, ,Lisboa, 1948 are discussed dispassionately by Antonio Alberto Banha de Andrade, "Perspectiva hist6riea de Timor", Estudos de Ciencias Politicas e Sociais, No.80, pp. 45-58.

A usefill eighteenth century account of the discovery of Timor by two Christianized Malay merchants from Malacca is given in "Relacao do estado de Timor e das coizas que ne11e passarao desde o anno de 1762 a the o de 1769, mais execiflCada que a do cap 1 d 2 tomo do-Sistema Marcial Aziaticos", in Tassi-Yang Kuo (Series II, Vol.III and IV), 1 899-1900, pp. 7-l2. Unf7ortunately this account lacks precise dates.

14. Rui de Brito Patalim, cited in Francisco Ferllandes, "Das Miss6es de Timor", Revista de Estudos Luso-Asiaticos, No. 1 , Septembro, 1992, citing Teixeira, Macau e Sua Diocese, Macau, 1974, Chap.X, Timor, p. 5,pp. 9-18.

15. Tome Pires, The Suma Oriental of lbmd PLneS, (1515) trans. A. Cortesao, Hakluyt Society, 1944.

16. Augusto Reis Machado, (introduction and notes), Livro em que da relacao do que viu e ouviu no oriente: Duarte Barbosa, Divisao de Publieac6es e Biblioteca, Agencia Geral da Col6nias, MCMXLVI.

17. The enigma of Timor's Western discovery has long antecedents. Drawing upon an array of published and unpublished sources, French explorer and author de Freycinet, writing in 1818, found it "extraordinary that, having an Aived in the Celebes in 15 12, no record could be found of Portuguese contact with Timor prior to 1 525. L.C.D. de Freycinet, Voyage autour du monde, execute sur les corvettes S.M. Turanie et la Physicienne pendant les anndes 181 7-1820, Paris, 1827, p.528. De Freycinet consulted seventeen classic texts on European exploration in Asia, including Pigafetta, de Barros, de Bry, Crawhrd, Burney, Valentyn and P. SanDomingo, Histoire des conquetes des Portugues dans les lndes orientales.

18. The Suma Oriental of I'omd Pires (Vol. D Armando Cortesao (trans), ftakluyt Society, London, 1944,p.204..

19. Extract of the letter of Pedro de Faria to King Dom Manue1, Malacca, 5 January 1517 [alias 1518] in Ronald Bishop Smith, I'he First Age of the Portuguese Embassies, Navigations and Peregrinations to the Kingdom and Islands of Southeast Asia (1509-1521), Decatur Press, Bethesda, Maryland, 1968, p. 56.

20. Pigafetta, Magellan 3g Voyage, p. 141.

21. Mclntyre, The Secret Discovery. According to some accounts, a Castelano, part of the Magallen mission was abandoned on Timor and later brought to Malacca by Portuguese junks then engaged in the sandal trade, involving the barter of iron goods against sandal. See Luis Filipe F.R.Thomaz, De Ceuta a Timor (Diffusao Fjditorial, Lisboa, 1 994, p. 593) citing a document found in the Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, cII-lO1-87, on an inquiry made at Malacca, 1 June 1522.

22. John Villiers, East of Malacca, Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, Bangkok, 1985, cited in Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500-1700: A Political and Economic History, Longman, LJOndon, 1993, p. 209.

23. A Jesuit account of 1559 written in Maluku (Molucca) offers such basic data on Solor as food supply, language and Culture of the people, the presence of Christianity and Islam. Solor, in this account, was visited by both Portuguese and Chinese. See Fr. Baltasar Dias SJ to Fr Provincial Antonio de Quadras SJ , Goa, 3 December 1559, Malacca, in flubert Jacobs SJ (ed.), Documenta Malucensia (1542-1577), Rome, 1980

24. Villiers, East of Malacca.

25. Leitao, Os Portugueses, p. 91.

26. Charles R. Boxer, Fidalgos in the far East, 1550-1770, Fact and Fancy in the tlistory of Macfromartinus NLhoff, The Hague, 1948, p. 175.

27. AJnthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of CommejnCe 1450-1680 Volume livo: Expansion and Crisis, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1993, pp. 64J55; Thomas, "The Image of the Arehljuelago ".

28. Francisco Paulo Mendes da Luz, (compiler) Limo das Cidades, e Fortalezas que a Coroa de Portugal Tem Nas Partes da India, e das Capitanias, e mais cargos que nelas ha, e da lmportancia delles, (Circa 1582), Centro de Estudos I{istoricos Ultramarinos, LJisboa, 1 960.

29. See Schotte, "Relation du Voyage" in Recueil des Voyages qui ont semi lj 'Etablissement et atLX Progris de la Compagnie de lndes Orientales Formie dans leg Provinces Unies des Pays-Bas, Tome IV, Etienne Roger, jhsterdam, 1705, pp. 207-214. Schotte is also cited in Donald F. Laeh and Edwin J. Van Kley, Asia in the Making of Europe, (Vo1.III, Book 1), University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1993, pp. l459-1460.

30. Manuel Teixeira, Macau e asua Diocese: Missoes de Timor, Tipografla da Missao do Padroado, Macau 1974, p. 16.

3 1. Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire, p. 210.

32. Teixeira, Macau e asua Diocese, p. 23.

33. AL[U Timor cx.1 doc. No.2: lO7-1642 Dezembro 220-4 Goa: Carta do [vedor da Fazenda do Estado do India] Andr6 Salema, ao rei [D. JoaoIV].

34. Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire.

35. C.R. Boxer, "Portuguese Timor: A Rough Island Story: l5 15-1960", 1Iistory lbday, May 1960, p. 352.

36. J.J. Fox, Harvest of the Palm: Ecological Change in Eastern Indonesia, Ilarvard University Press, Cambridge, 1977, p. 67.

37. Lach & Van Kley, Asia in the Making of Europe, pp. 1456-1459'.

38. Leitao, Os Portugueses, p. 72.

39. Robert H. Bames, "Concordance, Structure, and variation: Considerations of Alliance in Kedang", in J.J. Fox, The Flow of Life: Essays on Eastern Timor, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1 980, pp. 68-97.

40. Vmiers, East of Malacca.

41. Leitao, Os Portuiueses.

42.Ibid.

43. William Dampier, A Continuation of a Voyage i_o New Holland, etc. in the Year 1699, James and John Khapton, at the Crown in St.Paul's Churchyard, London, 1699, p. 184.

44. Villiers, East of Malacca.

45. Boxer, Fidalgos in the Far East, p. 181.

46. Jean Hugues Ljinschoten, 1Iistorie de la Navigation, 2eme edition, Amsterdam, 1619, pp. 124-l25 cited in de Matos, Timor Portuguese: 15 15-l769, Instituto Historico lnfante Don Henrique, Faeuldade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, Lisboa, 1974, p. 169.

47.Ibid.

48. Orlneling, The Timor Problem.

49. John Saris, The First Voyage of the English to Japan (translated and Collated by Takanobu Otsuka), Toyo Bunka, Tokyo, 1941.

50. Ormeling, The Timor Problem, p. 101.

51. Rangel cited in Lach and Van Kley, Asia in the Making of Europe.

52. Antonio Bocarro, "Descrigao da Cidade do Nome de Deus na China", 1635 in C.R. Boxer, Macau naopoca da Restauraca?o (Macau Three Hundred Years Ago), Imprensa Nacional, Macau, 1942, pp. 45-46.

53. See Roderich Ptak, "The Transportation of Sandalwood from Timor to China and Macau c. l3501600", pp. 105.

54. Reid, SoutheastAsia, pp. 22-23.

55. Ptak, The I3(ansportation of Sandalwood

56. Artur Teodoro de Matos, Timor Portuguese: 1515-1769, pp. 78-79