HISTORY OF TIMOR 1 (Timor Society)

 1 Timor Society

Prior to a discussion of Timor's "discovery" or at least first outsider trade contacts, it is important to set down certain basic facts as to indigenous political and social systems, how these systems are buttressed or a least mesh with indigenous religious practices and beliefs, and how political and Cultural complexes translate into economic activity and exchange. We can then ask the question how the first agents of Portuguese seaborne power, as much agents of the church in the form of the Dominican missionaries, adapted or confronted local forms of tributary power and political alliances, local commercial trading networks, and the overall question of colonization, Portugalizacao and Timorese identity down until the end of colonial rule. But we should also look to the island's complex anthropology. In this sense it would be well to consider the eflections of one cultural anthropologist who has worked in Timor, Elizabeth G. Traube, that culture is not immutable, that "the content of cultural forms may justify critiques of or departures from established practices".1

Here Traube is alluding to processes of cultural evolution and diffusion over long time, but also to the process of cultural adaptation in the face of climactic events such as the arrival of the Portuguese or Dutch. Although, as shown below, there have been periods of relative stasis in Timorese history, particularly prehistory, change and adaptation have always been major themes in Timorese life down unto the present.

Origins

While always subject to much pseudo-analysis and mystification, the ethnic differentiation of Timor was apparent to the first Western visitors to Timor. From a French enlightenment perspective, albeit jaundiced, the observations in Kupang of the visiting Napoleonic mission led by Peron is apposite. In this, Peron speaks of a unity of "three distinct races of the human  pecies", aborigines, Malays, Chinese, plus an additional "species", "a few mongrel Portuguese, the miserable remains of the first conquerors of Asia and the pitiable witnesses of the vicissitudes of nations, and the revolutions of empires"! 2

But just as the Western visitors were intrigued by Timor's mestico society, so European investigators into Timor's society were much taken by the question of origins. Indeed, the methods as much the results of suc investigations, which began to gather pace in the first decades of this century, mirrored metropolitan trends

and debates as much the evolution of the various disciplines of the "natural sciences", especially physical, cultural, and social anthropology. The attentions of the Victorians, Wallace and Forbes, have already been mentioned in this regard. From another quarter, Timor became the object of attention from prehistorians seeking to find a link between Australian aborigines and an Asian migration. Much of the debate on physical anthropology was summarised and advanced by A.A. Mendes Correa in 1944, who postulated four basic racial types represented in Timor, although hardly ever in pure type. These were proto-Malays, deutero-Malays (revealing more Mongoloid features), Melanesoide, and vedo-Australoid. Overall, he concluded, the proto-Malay or "Indonesian" types predominated over all others. Next followed the deutero-Malay element (more frequent in women), and third, the vedo-Australoid element (abundant in Suro). Yet, he declaimed, that is not to declare a perfect homogeneity because even within the proto-Malay group, Austroloid, Europoid, Indo-Melanoid, Ainoid and other tendencies could be detected. This includes a mysterious red-haired tribe given some publicity by, inter alia Forbes and Osorio

de Castro. In making this assertion, Mendes Correa challenged the view of a number of observers who had ascribed a special prevalence in Timor of a negroid or Papuan or Melanesian influence. True Melanesians and Papuans were not found, although inclinations or affinities were detected in some groups. Even the Belunese-the most numerous group on the island as a whole, he asserted, Could not be considered as linked to Papuan-Melanesian influence, but rather to the Indonesian type. Only among the Antoni of Dutch Timor and among the Timorese of Oecussi was the Melanoid element found to be abundant, although still not predominant. In Portuguese Timor, he found, the Melanesoid element only appeared more frequent in the women of Fronteira and Dili. 3

As Glover has explained, little is known of the prehistory of the eastern archipelago until the end of Pleistocene when the archaeological record proper begins with dated pre-Ceramic Late Stone Age sequences in the caves of Timor and Sulawesi (about l4,000 years ago). The first excavations in Timor wer pioneered by Alfred Buhler in 1935 and Th.Verhoeven in the late 1950s, establishing the characteristics of the Late Stone Age, specifically as marked by the presence of naked stone tools. Researches carried out by Glover in Cave sites on the edge of the north central plateau near Baucau and in the central mountains between 1966 and 1967 confirmed no deposits older than the pleistocene period. He determined, however, that from about 5,000 years ago marked economic changes occurred with the introduction of the pig, goat,

dog, monkey, phalanger and civit cat, and, finally, in the Christian era, the introduction of cattle and deer. Pottery also arrived in the 3rd millennium BC,. Shell adzes, fishhooks, and shell beads, also appeared in the coastal sites at this time. After about 3,000 BC certain important new plants made their appearance, namely Setaria (foxtail millet), bagenaria (bottle gourd), coconuts, various fruits, and trees, and, in latest levels, peanuts. But, after about 1,000 years ago, there was little occupation in most caves. From this evidence, Glover adduced the arrival on the island about 3,000 BC of agricultural immigrants from the west or north bringing Timor into closer relationship with neighbouring islands.4

In part, this migration from the 3rd millennium BC onwards coincided with the development of better boat-building and sailing techniques. It also initiated the process of differentiation between coastal and inland societies as encountered by Western mariners in historical times. Still, he found, a process of diffusion by continuous expansion such as was possible in continental situations was ruled out in Timor because of its island situation. At the same time lie could not find evidence of the primary role of Timor in the settlement of Australia, as held in some popular theorizing.

Indigenous Political System

The question as to the indigenous political system of Timor prior to the arrival of Europeans and even after has been the subject of much discussion and some hyperbole. On the one hand, Timorese societies conform broadly to the segmentary societies of eastern Indonesia, notable for the absence of Indianized forms of kingship and the presence of numerous lineage-based societies fragmented b3i language and geographical isolation. According to H.G. Schulte Nordholt, who conducted extensive fieldwork in Dutch Timor in the prewar period, at the time of the arrival of the first Europeans, there existed a realm which might in a sense be considered a unitary state. Supreme power was vested in a ritual centre, the bride giver, to which the variou

communities shared by virtue of affinal relationships. While the centre existed mainly as a political superstructure, it was also capable of making decisions affecting the entire community, namely warfare, administration, adjudication, and ritual. At the centre of this construct was the kingdom of Waiwiku-Wehale, located in the fertile southeastern part of west Timor, but divided between the Antoni an the Tetum Belu, a division also corresponding with language.5

Anthropologist James Fox clarifies that based on ideas of spiritual precedence, the influence of the Tetum Belu kingdom of Wehale, may once have extended over more than two-thirds of the island joining the petty tribal kingdoms into a unified political system. It makes further sense, he points out, if we see the straighterhaired Belunese as more recent Malay-type migrants establishing themselves on Timor's central-north coast in a long process beginning around 3,000 BC before moving inland and displacing and dominating the frizzy-haired "Melanesian" Antoni or "people of the dry land", a process that was evident right up until the time when Europeans began to move into the area.6

But, as taken up below, the centuries-long struggle between the Dutch and the Portuguese for the loyalties  of the petty tribal kingdoms, beginning with the partial destruction of Wehale in 1642, obviously disturbed traditional alliances as much the concept of a unified realm. Notable, has been the westward dispersion of the Antoni, today dominating most of west Timor. Was this then a case of the bees deserting the honeycomb", to use the metaphor of Indonesian historian A.B.

Lapian in describing the fragmentation of the realm? 7

0r was the concept of a truly unified historical political centre on Timor a fiction? By way of elaboration, Lawson argues that without diminishing the importance of Common myths, ritual power, and marital alliances extending unity to otherwise independent kingdoms, "one should not underestimate the influence of trade in the processes which gave some kingdoms social esteem and power". She continues that, "Rulers who could organize labor and deliver sandalwood (or other commodities), would gain in material things like cloth, tools, and guns, thereby enlarging their possibilities to gain more prestige and power, might it be through marital alliances or warfare". Between 1515 and 1650, Lawson argues, the destruction of Waiwiku-Wehale-the scattering of the bees from the honeycomb in Lapian's imageｐr- roceeded as strategically located Coastal kingdoms (reinos) enriched themselves in the new sandalwood trade thereby weakening bonds with the empire-like Waiwiku-Wehale system. For the Portuguese it was imperative to win the loyalty of those kings-style rei, sometimes regulo in Portuguese or liurai in Tetum language and raj by the Dutch-controlling good harbours for the transshipment and supply of sandal.8

As revealed in the earliest Portuguese writings on Timor, at the time of the foundation of Lifau, the island was then, and for long afterwards, divided into two roughly equal spheres, the eastern called Belos (Belu) and the western Called Serviao. Although the tribes of Serviao were the first to accept Portuguese sovereignty, those of Belu who did so shortly afterwards, proved more faithful vassals in the long run.9

Undoubtedly, also, the shift in local alliances across long time contributed to a collective memory of unities and divisions, just as a Luso-Dutch modus vivendi of the mid 1600s tended to coincide with, or at least reinforce a dualistic set of allegiances on the island. For example, in 1818 visiting French scientist-adventurer, Louis de Freycinet, found Timor neatly divided into two great states or provinces, that of the northeast called Belu, and the other, Vaikenos or Serviao. The more numerous of the little states, he found, were kingdoms of the province of Belu with a part of Serviao-Vaikenos tributary or loyal to Portuga and part, in the southwest, loyal to Holland. Even so, as elaborated in the text, certain so-called loyal states

were obviously quasi-independent or in a state of rebellion.10

But it is also true that the notion of unity around the Vaiqueno-speaking Sonbai of Serviao of the west endured over longer time, especially as the supremacy of the Sonbai as emperor was recognized by vassal kingdoms. It would be hard to understand the dynamics of Timorese society without acknowledging the system of government and leadership. Patron-Client links between rulers and followers come to the heart of an understanding ofa11iances, and shifts of loyalties and help to explain the tenacity of rebel leaders in the face of overwhelming odds. From del Cano down-a reference to the infamous kidnapping of a Timorese prince by the Magellan expedition which, as elaborated in the following chapter, touched Timor in 1522-the importance of dealing with local lords, rajas or reis to win favours, allegiances, and allies has been recognized by all outsiders in their dealings with Timorese, whether Portuguese, Dutch, Japanese, Australian, or Indonesian. ln passing comment on the Timorese concept of government, de Freycinet observed that the rajas exercised "supreme power" over their people, wielding "une autofite absolue et presque despotique" or, in the eyes of their subjects, a "divine et indelebile" power. Rules of succession varied but were, in principle, strictly hereditary. In the absence of a mature male heir, women' sometimes assumed the paramount position. Next in rank were the dato, followed by the toumougom and the labo. In this typically pre-literate society, matter of legislation were governed by tradition and local custom, albeit modified to degrees by the adoption of certain Chinese or Muslim ideas. He further observed that the reinos were frequently given to forming defensive and offensive alliances. Treaties, especially, were entered into on the basis of family links. In this way, even the kings of relatively small kingdoms were able to wield considerable authority over large space. 11

Indeed, Governor de Castro writing in 1867 likened them to "pequenas republicas" or small republics. 12

Researching in 1974, Elizabeth Traube found that the power of local leaders of the Mambai people-of which Dili was formerly part- was held to emanate from "other, more powerful sovereigns", namely the Portuguese colonial rulers whose presence in Dili dates back to the shift of the capital from Lifau. She note that in Mambai political theory there is no tradition of foreign invaders from the outside nor do they have any real conception of a larger outside world which might encompass their own society. Even the malaia, the Tetum term for foreigners, who occupied the structural position of outside rulers "are not strangers at al

but are returning younger sons of the land...." In other words, when Portuguese ships sailed into Dili harbour, the Portuguese were welcomed by the elder people of the land and incorporated into the exchange that linked them to the interior. As with Traube, numerous students of Timor have observed various cultura features of he colonial relationship invoked in ritual. Notable is the ritual veneration of the Portuguese nag and other regalia of office including drum, swords and spears, a practice which dates back many generations. 13

Such veneration even extended to ancient Portuguese letters and documents. At least Gerard Francillon found this to be the case in the successor state of Wehale which he researched between 1962J64. At this time Wehale was a small princedom in the southern part of the Belu subdivision of central-west Timor, the home of 11,000 inhabitants and the most isolated of all the Tetum-speaking areas. Certain of these letters dating from 1778-80 referred to the Rei Veale or Great Lord of Belu. In any case, Nai Bot, the Great Lord of Wehale died in 1924, albeit much mourned over all parts of Timor. Only pacified by the Dutch in 1906, Wehale was still headed by a raja at the time of Francillon's research, addressed as fetor (from the Portuguese feitor) or korne from the Portuguese coronel, or colonel. But while the rajas and their modem descendants became the focus of deep respect and veneration on the part of Wehale people and Timorese atom Other parts, Francillon contends that, in the "emptiness" of the sacred house and its impoverished condition, the name of Wehale and its renown was ultimately more important than its representative. 14

Elsewhere, Traube has elaborated upon the Mambai emphasis on antiquarianism as much its manipulation under Portuguese rule. Essentially, the Mambai differentiated between their own ritually organized communities from hose created by Portugal by referring to the former as ancient kingdoms or kingdoms of long ago. Whereas the Portuguese regarded the periodic and annual ritualized ceremonies of the Mambai as religious, they too were careful to distinguish them from the secularized political structures imposed by colonial rule. But the Mambai - - who had no particular love of the Portuguese -u- believed that when in 1903, in lieu of the Cash head tax, the Portuguese abolished the tributary arrangements that reached back to the earliest days of their presence in Dili, they also delegitimized themselves. She writes: "when modem Portuguese rulers abolished the tribute system which revolved around the old lords of rock and tree, they

were tuning their backs on the very figures whose ancestors had summoned them to Timor". In short,legitimation took on cultural form. 15

This is an important point as, in Timor under the Portuguese, just as in other colonialisms, forms of legitimation alongside more drastic means of control always went hand in hand in the construction of networks of beneficiaries and collaborators. But how does this sense of cultural legitimation on the part of specific communities sit with a generalized sense of "tradition" which, in the absence of significant epigraphical evidence and recorded history, is best found in the rich oral tradition of the Timorese? There is no history of native script in Timor and the work o transcribing this literature only commenced with any rigour in the last decade of colonial rule. As in many other preliterate Asian and African societies "literature" was chanted or sung. In Timor, as Louis Berthe found of the Bunak, this could take the form of elaborately developed narrative recitation, typically involving repetition, rhyme, and alliteration which also helped performers memorize the verses.16

Legends, such as the creation myth based on the crocodile, in turn represented in graphic art and in decorative pieces are enduring in Timorese society. As Fernando Sylvan recounts, of "the crocodile that became Timor", a boy returned a wayward crocodile to the swamp. Although sorely tempted to eat his new friend, canoe-like the crocodile redeems the boy's dream of making a sea journey, only to change shape and size into the form of a Crocodile-shaped island covered with hills, woods, and rivers.17

Ruy Cinatti has also recounted one primordial lore or foundation myth that traces the origins of the Timorese to a legendary sea voyage from Malacca via Macassar to Flores and then to Amatung. 18

Other versions of this legend such as that held by the Ossu people trace the migration from an island between Timor and New Guinea. Timorese myths and legends are not only offer clues to the origin and foundation of various reinos, but, as Eduardo dos Santos' collection and annotation makes clear, are also rich in history and ethnography.l9

From his experience a wartime Timor, Australian Cliff Morris has related that recitation of stories and poetry were arts indulged in by all. In every village, elders would induct the young in the lore of the clan but the ultimate storytellers were the Lia Na 'ain or Na 'Lia, literally meaning "lord of words" or bards, who could expiate for hours on verse that had never been heard until then. Morris observes: There were a number of traditional patterns but the most common was dadolim, where each verse was put in two lines and each line was in two phrases. The first phrase of the second line repeated the meaning of the last phrase in the first line but with different words. The second phrase of the second line followed the same pattern. 20?

While Morris is describing the basic mode of transmission of knowledge/lore common to pre-literate societies around the world, it is of interest that this verbatim language as spoken in rumor was rich with metaphor as it was pregnant with the symbolism of the animist culture from which it issued, notably the dualistic conception of nature.

Indigenous Religious Beliefs and Practices

Under Portuguese rule Catholicism never gained more than 15-20 per cent of the population down until 1975. Stated another way, the Catholic church in Timor was obliged to accommodate itself to many traditional practices. Writing in 1972, British anthropologist David flicks observed that although many traditional ritual elements survived, aboriginal religion was nevertheless decaying rapidly. What, then, were the main features of indigenous religious practice and belief? In traditional Timor it was the dato-lulik or ra ulik, community priest or ritual practitioner, who mediated the spiritual world otherwise manifest in such natural phenomena as rivers, mountains, forest and gardens. The dato-lulik was the key practitioner of animal sacrifice marking major events in the life Cycle of the Timorese including the celebration of war an peace. Animal sacrifice Were directed towards ancestral spirits and other spirits believed to inhabit wood,

stones and streams.

Another facet of Timorese religion was the cult of the relic, placed in the uma lulik or community house, usually the most distinctive building in a town. Totems included animals and plants. Even clans were regarded as totemic groups whose members observed specific food taboos. As mentioned, veneration of old Portuguese nags was very much part of this culture. Head-hunting, also part of Timorese tradition, was only eliminated in this century. While cannibalism was unknown in eastern Timor, headhunting, according to flicks, was a popular activity whose raison d'etre was ritual and social prestige. But when peace returned to the warring princedoms, the captured heads were duly surrendered.21

So were blood oaths or juramento frequently resorted to in the way of sealing loyalties between tribes or foreign parties.22

Indeed, as we shall review in a conclusion, the 400 year long rebellion of the Timorese cannot entirely be separated from the ritualized quality of warfare in rumor as expressed by the Tetum word funu. One central cultural practice much noted in Portuguese ethnologies on Timor is that of barlaque. From a study by Manuel Alves da Silva, a Catholic missionary in Timor in the 1880s, we learn that this is a term of Malay origin which expresses an alliance between reinos, and their subordinate sucos, and individuals. More than just a dowry, it appeared to Alves da Silva as a trade or even "shamanistic" trade in women for fabulous value. This was expressed by the Portuguese word barlaque or vassau humani, where the parents of the bride are called o humani and the man-shaman the vassau. The cost of vassau could be as high as 30- 00 buffaloes, horses, and swords while humani might be measured in such articles as coral, baskets, and cloths. For the church, the material character of these marriages and the guarantees they affirmed, represented a clear obstacle to conversion, as indeed, did other types of relationships, running from concubinage, polygamy - generalized in Timor - and acts deemed superstitious and quasi-idolatrous, such a the cult of the veneration of the dead, death Ceremonies, war Ceremonies, etc.23

Lazarowitz, who carried out fieldwork among the Makassai of the Baucau region of northeast Timor in 1975, viewed marriage in Timor, as creating an "ongoing alliance between groups", part of a "wider system of social action tying together and integrating the worlds of the living and the spirits in stable equilibrium". He saw the entire system as turning on a profound desire for union and balance across the spectrum of social relations, whether marriage, bridewealth transactions, agricultural ritual, and political and legal organization. This was achieved through the means of "complementary dual oppositions and analogical associations", for example, between wife-giver and wife-taker, masculine-feminine, control over fertility-lack of control, buffalo, horse, swords versus women, pigs, Cloths, necklaces, and, especially that between the world of the spirits (sacred) and the world of the living (secular). He concludes, "It is quite clear that Makassai life is permeated by oppositions which structure social behaviour".24

The principle also extends to geography. 1'hus, whereas the sheltered, enclosed, and navigable northｒe ｎsea or tassi-fetu is recognized in Tetum cosmology as female, the southern sea, the tassi-mane, with its limitless horizon and swelling unnavigable seas, represents the male principle. Barlaque and marriage, of course, is not the only socially celebrated rite de passage in Timor. Saldanha has described other ritualized ceremonies, including those for birth, involving an eye washing ceremony called fasematam, and haircutting ceremony called tesifuk. Besides funerals, death involved such ceremonies as the aifunan mauruk (bitter mower) held one week after death and the alfunan midar (sweet mower) held after 40 days. The kore metan or removing the black is a ceremony held one year after the death of a relative. While women wear I black for mourning, men wear a small patch of cloth pinned to a shirt. Such I the pervasiveness of this Luso-Catholic practice that the black patch appears as a subliminal mark of Timorese identity, one that I instantly recognized in the course of a 1995 rendezvous with a Timorese in the amazingly polyethnic environment of the east Malaysian state of Sabah. To these ceremonies might be added those for the planting and harvesting office and maize that take place in the umalik of each umakain or clan. The list of ritualized and solidary-building ceremonials increases if we account for such occasions

as threshing office stalks (sama hare), the communal building of houses (dada ai or lugging of wood, and even cockfighting futu manu). 25

Cinatti and others have described the social function of such estilo or ceremonies which sometimes brought together hundreds or even thousands of people from any given region. Such occasions were a time for display of gorgeous tais or traditional woven apparel for males, along with elaborate metal body decorations, and, for women, Timorized versions of the Malay sarong or skirt and kebaya, blouse. No festa was complete without music, choral or rhythmic singing and dancing. Musical accompaniment, according to region, could be Macassar gongs, drums, bamboo mutes, or home made guitars. Notable were the gamelan-like orchestras of Oecusse and the snake dance of Suai.26

It can be said that all the estilo have their origins in the Timorese sense of the sacred and profane, a world view that does not compartmentalize one facet of tradition from another, but which, while accommodating to change- D40tably the coming of outsiders with their monotheistic religion-constantly seeks the reassurances offered by tile hoary traditions keyed to the passage of seasons and agricultural rhythms as handed down in the form of chants and oral traditions. The great Timorese creation myth of the crocodileto which, as alluded, even the shape of the island is said to resemble-seems to encapsulate this sense. For some, the enduring Timorese belief in spirits conjures up some sense of an ancient human stock in the process of evolution. But such statements are bound to be misleading as the following discussion reveals.

Language and Ethnicity

As alluded in the introduction, the linguistic and ethnic patterning of Timor reflects a long history of migrations and convergences of peoples bearing different cultural influences, notably, Indonesian coming from the west, and, Melanesian coming from the east. Nevertheless, irregular topography, otherwise inhibiting communications between different groups, gave rise to the production of a great range of social institutions including language variety. Linguistically, the island of Timor is occupied by two different language families, one Austronesian, the other non-Austronesian or Papuan. Whereas in the western part of Timor, two Austronesian languages dominate, namely Antoni and Tetum, on the eastern half of the island, at least fourteen distinct languages are spoken, including, besides Tetum, Mambai, Makassai, Kemak, Bunak, Tocodede, Galoli, Dagada and Baiqueno (Dawan). Even so, there is no precise agreement among anthropologists and linguists as to the precise numbers of languages, or indeed what constitutes a dialect, especially, as would be expected, because of the long process of linguistic borrowings. Further, only a few languages have been studied, codified or transcribed. These include Tetum, Tetum-Praca, Galoli and Dawan. Only basic grammatical outlines of Tocodede, Mambai and Kemak had been established by the prewar period. Neither were basic ethnographies of the majority of Timorese systematically conducted, lending much imprecision as to questions of nomenclature or ethnic labelling, language and linguistic convergences.27

While Tetum Belu had its origins in the Kingdom of Wehale, according to Cliff Morris, the biggest concentration of "natural" Tetum speakers in eastern Timor in the late colonial period was to be found around on the central south coast, from Luca in the east to Alas in the west. The dialect of this area is referred to as TetumLos and is centred on the Kingdom of Samoro and the town of Soibada. By contrast Tetum-Terik is spoken in the northwest of eastern Timor and the northeast of west Timor, a dialect related to Tetum-Belu. This latter dialect is spoken in the southwest of East Timor and southeast of western Timor.28

Tetum-Dili, also known as Tetum-Praca, was the lingua franca used in colonial times and the dialect most favoured by Portuguese official along with missionaries and other outsiders in communicating with Timorese. Yet, unlike the experience in many other South east Asian colonies in acknowledging the status of vernacular languages, nothing was done under official Portuguese auspices to raise Tetum to the level of a print language, much less the numerous minority languages and dialects.29

But again, as Mendes Correa determined, just as the racial heterogeneity of the Timorese may be a result of "blood mixture between conquerors and conquered, or between masters and slaves, with the exogamy of some tribes with true (rapes of Sabine'", so the correlation of language and ethnic group is problematical, although not beyond scientific calculation.30

The Community Mode of Production

Schulte Nordholt, clarifies that, because of trade, the Antoni people of west Timor outgrew the stone age at a relatively early stage. Yet, while raising to a fine art the manufacture of woven or ikat cloth, he found it remarkable that they never learned to forge iron or even silver objects themselves.31

But while the smelting of ores may have eluded the Timorese, it is not the same as saying that they did not master metalwork. In fact, the remodelling of iron goods, such as in the making of utensils and knives out o reclaimed bomb Casings, and the forging of metal using bellows made of bamboo, is a specialized male activity. On the other hand, the art of manufacturing melted silver using bamboo forges and clay moulds, a typically feminine activity, developed as a fine art. Naturally, the production of ikat and tais or woven cloth demands highly specialized skills, such as the cultivation and harvest of cotton, ginning, carding, spinning and weaving. In the colonial period, locally produced cotton was more highly esteemed than that acquired from Chinese merchants. With the exception of the manufacture of looms and frames (a masculine activity), the series of technical activities associated with weaving, including the reproduction of the ikat motifs attributing lineage, are entirely female activities Indeed, the circulation of cloths in society conformed to a number of precise rules relating to the continuation of the lineage, e.g. birth, marriage, burial, adoption, or the inauguration of a new house. A similar division of sexual labour is adhered to in the production of women's goods. The production of cord fibre from the Arenga palm is a male activity, while the production of, say, baskets with decorative form, is

an entirely female activity. Another artisanal activity devolved to women is the production of pottery. Notwithstanding the labour, women are concerned with the acquisition of raw materials, to the baking of the pot in an open kiln, to the selling of the pots. Depending upon location, this work is reserved for women of certain lineages.32

Certainly, from my observation in the 1960s and in the 1990s, it is women who retail these pots in such marketplaces as those of Manatuto and Baucau. By contrast, the specialist construction of houses, such as in cutting and grooving of wood, the rough hewing of beams, or in thatching roofs with Arenga palm leaf, is a masculine activity. It goes without saying that the specialist carpenter cum ritualist house-builder will be versed in local architectural variety according to province. Such geographical variation in Timorese dwellings have been best captured by Portuguese ethnographer, Ruy Cinatti, who has observed striking regional variety from the pyramidal style houses of Maubesse to the distinctive Lautem house of the hills and plateaux of the east, recognizes seven types by broad architectural features and regional identity - Bobonaro, Maubisse, Baucau, Lautem, Viqueque, Suai, and Oecusse. It is clear from his studies and illustrations, however, that the functional organization of space in each of these dwellings responds to complex social and economic needs, respectively living space and granary, social status, obviously, and the need to propitiate the spirits. But variation also existed. For instance in Oecusse, the rectangular shaped houses of the coastal regions were importations, displacing the conical shaped houses and shelters of the interior-land, as confirmed by the author in an overnight stay-among the most primitive in Timor. 33

Until recently, sticks and dibbles were the common tool used in agriculture. Wet rice agriculture also had it place in the Timor economy, albeit limited to certain zones. The ploughs the wheel, and even the hoe, were seldom used. Nevertheless, from an early age, the buffalo found its place especially as a "plough" in the cultivation of wet rice. Likewise, the Timor pony adapted well to the human ecology of the Timorese and remains a striking symbol of their way of life. In colonial times no long-distance journey on and off many of the major routes could be contemplated without recourse to a caravan of ponies. As the author observed in colonial times when en route by Timor pony from Batugede to Balibo and Pantai Macassar to Osilo in Oecusse, care of such ponies was a specialist position. Even river-crossings were in he hands of other specialists (males) who exacted their small tax accordingly. Down until modern times, the majority of the Timorese have engaged in subsistence agriculture. This takes the form of either shifting cultivation of the slash and burn type or the cultivation of such crops as corn, sweet potatoes, cassava, rice, or beans in gardens surrounding households. Portuguese reports of the

sixteenth and seventeenth centuries agree that Timor was extraordinarily well endowed by nature. Pigafetta's classic account also records: "In this island, and nowhere else, is found white sandalwood,

besides ginger, swine, goats, rice, figs, sugarcanes, oranges, wax, almonds, and other things, and parrots of divers sorts and colours".34

Even so, given the long dry seasons, dearth, disease and famine can reduce the Timorese peasant farmer to a level dangerously below subsistence. The digging stick method frequently demands too much from a population whose energy is often reduced by inadequate nutrition.35

Hunting and gathering is a complimentary activity. This can be a sexually undifferentiated activity such as gathering in the forest or on the seashore. Gathering often occupies "dead time" during the agricultural cycle. But, as observed by the author on the seacoast of the province of Covalima in 1972, the hunt-a male activity-can be both stylized and ritualized. Such was the procession-like quality of a deer hunt actually interrupted by the presence of the author interposed somewhere between the hunted, a deer, and the hunters comprising a group of about twenty, some mounted and others on foot accompanied by dogs. This exclusively male group of Tetum Belu speakers resplendent in tais and bearing a variety of weapons from primitive handmade guns to spears, long knives and blow-pipes broke off the chase to-rightly-interrogate

the author as to his presence. While this particular hunt may not have been of purely ritual order, in the case of boar hunting before planting rice, it can be so described. 36

Fishing compliments agricultural activities and, as can still be witnessed of the Galole of the rugged north coast, becomes a communal activity or at least a female activity in the harvesting of ingenious stonewalled fish traps constructed on drying shore reefs. The collection of shells for sale to manufacturers of lime or for use in the building industry, such as practised in Dili, is probably a more recent activity. While the fishermen of the Areia Branca zone belong to a group of professionals whose marketplace has always been the townspeople, their technology remains primitive (home made goggles and pronged harpoons or hand spears). Small, seemingly unseaworthy dugouts and outrigger canoes, also seen in Dili and Atauro, are undoubtedly of Indonesian inspiration and fairly generalized along the north coast. Fishing with individual nets, such as on the northeast coast, is a collective activity and festivity relating to fish migrations at the mouth of stream The communal drawing in of large nets on the beaches of Dili appears to be of Portuguese inspiration. In several weeks spent in the early 197'0s on the south coast of the island in Covalima, and Waiwiku and Amanubang, contiguous regions of west Timor, the author was struck by the absence of either sea or river flshermen, although not, as noted, the absence of hunting in this locale. Nevertheless, the activity of collecting molluscs and crustaceans on the south coast is complimentary to gathering activity in the forest.3

The regional diversity of Timor's human ecology is captured in the research of those Western

anthropologists permitted to carry out fieldwork in Portuguese Timor in the 1970s. While concerned to investigate the specificities of traditions of their respective research sites, most of this group of anthropologists working in the structuralist tradition found certain similarities at the level of socioeconomic and political cultural traditions with others peoples of eastern Indonesia.

The Makassai of the Quelicai region, the subject of the research of the American anthropologist Shepherd Forman who carried out fieldwork between 1973-74, were then a group of about 80,000 non-Austronesian language speakers inhabiting the northern coast and Matabean mountain range and high mountain valleys o the east-central part of eastern Timor. He found them largely self-sufficient in agriculture and animal raisin  typically cultivating corn and root crops in patrilineallyinherited ancestral gardens. This activity was supplemented by rice grown on elaborately sculpted and irrigated terraces. The Makassai also herded water buffaloes, goats, and pigs and raised chickens and fighting cocks. Their crops, livestock along with ikat, ancient swords, glass beads and a few gold amulets comprised their entire exchangeable wealth.

The Makassai then lived in small and scattered family compounds in defensive mountain positions. 38

Elizabeth Traube, who researched the Mambai of Aileu in the early 1970s, also remarked upon theirmsubsistence existence based on shifting cultivation and animal husbandry. Agricultural practice included dry land Cultivation of rice, corn and root crops. The Mambai-regarded by other groups as one of the poorest and most "backward" peoples in Timor-worked their gardens cooperatively by kin groups, herded water buffaloes, goats and pigs, but primarily used them in ceremonial exchanges. Small coffee holdings supplied a major source of cash. Like other Timorese, the Mambai lived in dispersed hamlets of between two to five houses. 39

The German agronomist, Metzner, who spent a year in the Baucau-Viqueque district studying methods of food production in an ecologically adverse zone, noted that rain-fed rice and irrigated field rice was expanding at the time of his research.

Yet corn was the main crop otherwise grown by the method of bush-fallowing, meaning the cultivation of several plots of land in succession. As in much of Timor, such staples were supplemented by home gardens growing a profusion of fruit trees, vegetables, tubers, etc. 40

Writing of the social organization of the Ema (called Kemak by outsiders), and numbering 50,000 in colonial times, Clamigirand described them as living in a part of central Timor bounded by the sea to the north, the Bunaq territory to the south and west, and the Mambai to the east. Writing of her field site, Marabo, in the mountains, Clamagirand observed terraced fields built on rocky mountain slopes farmed according to shifting cultivation. The main subsistence crop of the Ema was corn although both dry and we rice was grown, along with tubers, yams and taro. Additionally they raised Cattle and kept fowls. All Ema houses, she found, are built on stilts according to the same plan. But a core house at the centre of the community confirmed for the Ema the sense that their territory lay at the centre of the earth's navel or sacre centre. 41

Wet-field agriculture is the exception, and finds its place in only certain ecological conditions. In 1993 the author had occasion to observe at close hand the ingenuity of Timorese wet-rice cultivators in Baucau, especially in channel1ing natural sources of water mowing from limestone formations down the valley that connects the town with the sea. Buffaloes churning a sea of mud in gently terraced and bunded rice paddies suggest early contacts with other Southeast Asian societies. The scene is replicated on larger scale on the

mood plains of the Manatuto river where primitive methods of winnowing padi rice is on open display today in the right season. Water buffaloes (frequently victims of war) are in high demand as for ritual purposes and also to pay bride prices. Otherwise Timorese keep a variety of domestic animals, pigs, chickens, Bali cattle, horses, goats, sheep, necessitating the construction of elaborate fences. But while the management of such exchanges at the level of barter involved a degree of political coordination, no Timorese as such were involved in the external trade process and hence no Timorese merchant caste 'emerged-1he hallmark of the Indian and Islamic influenced state systems further west. In a precarious ecological setting, where the communitarian or at least lineage mode of production dominated, Timorese society had entered a long period of relative social stasis, marked by relatively low technological development and relatively inward directed system of exchanges and contacts. Still, this did not preclude change absolutely. Invariably, external contacts, at least beginning with Chinese visitors, led to the incorporation of new cultural and material elements. While an item by item analysis of this diffusion and incorporation would be illuminating, suffice is to offer the observations of one visitor to Timor in the late seventeenth century, William Dampier. Whereas, for example, Pigafetta passed no comment upon the near ubiquitous Timor pony, Dampier reckoned it was

among a number of domestic animals introduced by the Dutch or Portuguese. Thus he was struck by the presence of ducks and geese at Kupang, but not at Lifau, whereas at Lifau he found beef cattle. On the other hand, the Dutch fort raised a different kind of black cattle. "Indian" Com, he observed, was a "common food" among the islanders, although the Portuguese and their Blends also grew some rice. Dampier also listed a profusion of fruits on Timor, many of which he attributed to Dutch or Portuguese importation, for example the pumpkin, although it is also possible that Pigafetta would have encountered many of the citrus fruits of possible Chinese origin. We should, at the same time, be aware of elements of material change in Timorese society. Conceivably, the introduction by the Portuguese of the match-lock could also have been crucial in effecting major political or technological innovation, as definitely happened in the wake of the Portuguese arrival in Tanegashima and elsewhere in Japan. But, as Dampier observed at first hand, rather than manufacturing guns, the Portugalized communities in the islands purchased them from Batavia.42

What is ignored in much of the colonial literature, including reports written by visitors, is the dynamism of the "native" or bazaar economy. There is no question that, alongside the monetized section of the economy that developed in colonial times, the subsistence or natural economy provided the backbone of economic life in the colony. As underscored below, in our discussion of rebellion, a major feature of the colonial economy in Portuguese Timor down unto modern times is the longevity of the primitive economy upon which the peasant cultivator was thrown back in times of adversity, including war, rebellion, natural disaste and, as a way of protest against the solicitation of colonial labour recruiters and tax Collectors. Lazarowitz observed of the Makassai in 1975, that, according to season, up to 1,200 attended the markets a Ossu. With the exception of some products like tobacco, he found that money was not involved in most

transactions, just the barter of agricultural goods at a known rate.43

To be sure the mercado semanal or weekly marketplace in Timor was more than just a commercial link in the process of exchange whether by barter or by sale. It was also a social point of contact between Timorese of similar linguistic group or out-groups, between Timorese and non-Timorese including Chinese and Portuguese. It also served as the site of games, including gambling and cockfights. The cockfight ring located next to Dili's once vibrant municipal mercado represented this junction of commerce, social interaction, fortune and ritualized performance Par excellence.

Slavery

While in Timor it would not be accurate to talk of a slave mode of production per se, as no plantation industry developed along these lines before the late nineteenth century, nevertheless Timor was subject to a long history of trafficking in both male and female slaves and even children. Indeed, slaves for the Batavia and Macau markets were, according to Boxer, the next most profitable commodity in Timor after sandalwood and a "constant supply of these unfortunates" was guaranteed-as explained below-by the internecine wars of the d'Hornays and da Costas.44 Although the Portuguese state was not directly involved- in any case the practice was not condoned by the Catholic church-Macassans, Chinese and, by the seventeenth century, the Dutch, were all engaged in the dispatch of Timorese slaves throughout the archipelago. In particular, Timorese slaves were used by the Dutch to work the nutmeg and mace plantations in Banda after the conquest and virtual extermination of the Bandanese in 1621.45 Writing of the early decades of the nineteenth century, de Freycinet observed that male slaves in Timor fetched between 30-40 piastres, while females, according to their appearance, fetched as much as 100

piastres.46

He also observed that in traditional society where death was the punishment for a multitude of small offences, those who escaped capital punishment often became slaves. Warfare and capture also generated slaves. Even so, as de Flreycinet learned from his reading of Crawfurd, categories of slaves existed throughout the archipelago, ranging from prisoners-of-war, to debtors, to criminals, to foreigners, or their children. But in a domestic situation, he acknowledged that "slaves" as domestics could be treated with great affection and as members of the family.47

But even when the regional slave trade was proscribed, debt bondage and other forms of indentured labour continued outside the circuits of accumulation and in line with a sense of differential measures of social value. Forms of bondage undoubtedly Continued up to the end of Portuguese colonial rule, usually at the level of household labour. To understand this phenomenon it is essential to set down certain facts relative to the family in Timor, including the status of women and children. The observations made by A.A. Mendes Correa of the status of women in prewar Timor are also apposite. He declares that outside of zones where missionary activity was strong or where Portuguese authority had more fully asserted itself, the status of

women appeared to be "subordinate". With few exceptions, the patrilineal family was the rule, although as instanced below, there have been "queens" in Timor, and, in the absence of male descendants, the right of inheritance passes on to women. Yet while appearing as "a piece of merchandise for their parents", he reveals that they are not without rights. In fact, in a situation of exogamy between two sharply defined classes, the relationship between "husband providing clans" and "wife providing clans" proceeds according to the complex rules of barlaque or wife-taking. For example, enslavement of the husband to the family of the wife can occur. In any case exogamy often involves elements of compulsion.48

Cliff Morris has described a variant of this albeit benign practice in the modem period as likening the "slave" to a member of the family.49

Conclusion

Fundamentally, as described, Timor society conformed to the characteristic model of segmented societies o eastern "Indonesia". There was no evidence of centralized state structures, at least along the lines of Indianized systems as found in islands to the west. While a certain amount of cultural borrowing occurred a a result of foreign trade contacts, Timorese society had entered a long period of stasis at the time of the arrival of the first Christian missionaries. Broadly, in Wallersteinean language, the island of Timor conformed to the generalized category of a "minisystem" outside world-systems defined as regional divisions of labour composed of several cultural groups. Minisystems, by contrast, were "smal1scale systems covering a limited geographical area, within which all that is essential for the survival of the collectivity is done".50

But in dignifying local holders of power with the appellation of rei, the Portuguese were precise. The exercise of statecraft by the liurai involved the creation of coalitions based on mutual interest in highly localized situations, either against local adversaries, or around relations with outsiders engaged in trade. As we have stressed, it is important to view the indigenous political system as integral with traditional beliefs and practices, collective modes of productions, language and ethnicity, out-group relations, and, as shown below, even the means of waging war, the Timorese funu spanning generations. While such "feudal" and backward practices would not be missed in an independent Timor Loro Sae, as mentioned, sad is to say that much of the anthropological "present" of the 1970s described in this chapter no longer exists. By 1983, to take one example, Forman's Makassai-or at least survivors of a form of ethnic cleansing practised by the Indonesian occupation especially in the Matabean ranges-were reduced to

scavenging for wild roots with disease and hunger, especially among women and children, rife. As witnessed by the author in Baucau region ten years later, not much had changed. Forman, Traube and others have offered plaintive testimony as to the nature and scope of destruction of native Timorese society since 1975. Correspondingly, all the more valuable that these precious ethnologies were actually accomplished on the threshold of cataclysmic change, a reference to the Indonesian-induced civil strife, invasion and occupation of the territory that would sweep all before it in the ensuing decades. In any case, as we shall view, throughout the period of Portuguese domination, as much under Indonesian rule, cultural 1egitimation by various Timorese actors as much attempts by the state and the missions to remake Timorese in their mould, comes to the heart of concerns over identity and, indeed, what constitutes indigenous form.

Notes

1. Elizabeth S. Traube, "Mambai Perspectives on Colonialism and Decolonisation", in P. Carey and G.

Carter Bentley (eds.), East I7imor at the Crossroads: Ike Forging of a Nation, Cassell, London, 1995, pp. 42

-43.

2. M. F. Peron, A Voyage of Discovery to the Southern llemisphere, Richard Phillips, London, 1809, pp.

114-115. I

3. A.A. Mendes Correa, Timor Portuguesa: Contribuico?es para o seu Estudo Antropol6gico, Minist6rio

das Col6nias, Imprensa Nacional de Ljisboa, 1944.

4. Ian C. Glover, "FI'he Late Stone age in Eastern Indonesia", Indonesia, No. 12, March 1977; and

Archaeology in Eastern Ilimor, 1966p67, Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific studies,

ANU, 1986, passim.

5. H.G. Schulte-Nordholt, The Political System of the Antoni, Martinus Nijhoff, The I;Iague, 1971.

Page 11

6. James Fox, "Forgotten, neglected but not peaceR11. A flistory of Timor", Canberra limes, 27 November

1975 cited in Bill Nico1, I'imor: The Stillborn Nation, Visa, Melboume, 1978, p. 5.

7. A.B. Lapian, "Comments on The Sulu Zone...", paper presented at International Symposium

SoutheastAsia, Kyoto, Japan, 18-20 October, 1996, p. 3.

8. Yvette Lawson, "East Timor: Roots Continue to Grow", University of Amsterdam, MA dissertation,

1989, pp. 4i

9. C. R. Boxer, "Portuguese pI'imor: A Rough Island Story", 1Iistory Today, l960, p. 352.

10. Cf. L.C.D. de Freycinet, Voyage autour du monde, execute Sur les corvettes S.M. l'tJranie et la

Physiciennependant les annifes 181 7-1820, Paris, 1827, pp. 553-555.

11. lbid.,pp. 705-712.

12. Affonso de Castro, Aspossesso?esportuguesas na oceania, Imprensa Nacional, Lisboa, 1 867, p. 17.

13. Elizabeth S. Traube, Cosmology and Social Life: Ritual Exchange among the Mambai of East Timor,

University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1986. pp. 52-53. and see "Mambai Perspectives on Colonialism and

Decolonization", pp. 4.2-58.

14. Gerard Francillon,"Incursions upon Wehale: A Moderll flistory of an Ancient Empire", J.J. Fox (ed.),

The Flow of Llfe: Essays on Easternlimor, ftarvard University Press, Cambridge, 1980, pp. 249-258.

15. Traube, "Mambai Perspectives..."

16. Louis Berthe, Bei Gua, Itiniraire de ance^tres.. mythes des Bunaq de Timor, Centre national de la

recherche scientifique, 1972.

1 7. Femando Slyvan, Cantolenda Maubere h the Legends of the MaubeI.eS, Borja da Costa Austronesian

Foundation.

1 8. Ruy Cinatti, Leopoldo Almeida and Sousa Mendes, Ajnquitectura limorense, Instituto lnvestigagao

Cielltifica Tropical, Museu de Etnologia, Lisboa, 1987, pp. 10-1 1.

19. Eduardo dos Santos, Kanoik: Mitos e Lendas de limor, Ultramar, Lisboa, 1967.

20. Cliff Monis, A Traveller A Dictionary in Tetun,English and Elnglish liitunfrom the land of the Sleeping

Crocodile: East Timor, Baba Dock Books, Frankston, 1972, p. 10.

2 1. David ilicks, "Timor-Roti" in Frank M. Lebar (ed.), Ethnic Groups oflnsular SoutheastAsia, Vol. I,

HRAF Press, New Ilaven, 1972, p. 102.

22. Cf. Joao Mariano de Sousa Saldanha, I7he Political Economy of East Timor Development, Pustaka

Sinar Harapan, Jakarta, 1994, pp. 75-6 on the concept of juramento.

23. Manuel M. Alves da Silva, "Relat6rio", A Voz do Crente, 30 do Julho 1887.

24. Toby Fred Lazarowitz, "pIlhe Makassai: Complimentary Dualism in Timor", Ph.D. dissertation,

SUNY,1980.

25. Saldanha, The Political Economy of East Timor, pp. 74-77.

26. Ruy Cinatti, Leopoldo Almeida and Sousa Mendes, Arquitectura limorense

27. Hicks, Ethnic Groups, p. 93

28. CliffMorris, A Traveller 3g Dictionary, p. 8.

29. The historical development ofp1'etum and especially Tetum Praga is best discussed by GeoHrey flul1,

"A Language Policy for East Timor: Background and Principles", in lis Time to Lead the Way, FJTRA,

Melboume, 1 996, pp. 38-59. While, as flull observes, a certain number ofbon.owings A:om Malay entered

Tetum ijrom the fourteenth century as a result of early contacts with Muslim traders, it is noteworthy that a

early as 1 867 Governor de Castro observed that Tetum incorporated many Portuguese words, especially

pertaining to objects introduced since the "conquista". AHonso de Castro, As Possesso?es Portuguezas na

Oceania, Lisboa, Imprensa Naciona1, 1 867, p. 328. Hull does not mention the fact, but today as the

domain ofbahasa Indonesia expands inside easterll Timor, so the tendency ofTetum to incorporate

Indonesian terlnS at the expense of Portuguese.

30. Mendes Correa, Iimor Portugue's, p. 192.

3 1. Schulte-Nordholt, The Political System of the Antoni.

32. Povos de limor, Fundaeao Oriente, Lisboa, 1992 .

33. Ibid. And see Ruy Cinatti, Leopoldo de Almeida, Sousa Mendes, Arquitectura Timorense.

34 Pigafetta, Magellan 3g Voyage, p. 141.

35. Schulte-Nordholt, The Political System of the Antoni.

36. Another description and analysis ofa Timorese hunt can be found in Ant6nio de Almeida, "flunting and

Page 12

Fishing in Timor", Proceedings of the Ninth Pacljic Science Congress, 1957, Vol. 3, 1963, pp. 239-24.1,

republished in 0 Oriente de Expressa?o Portuguesa, Fundagao Oriente, Centre de fistudos Orientais,

Lisboa, 1994, pp. 467-469.

37. hid., Luis Filipe Thomaz, Notag sobYle a m'da man'tima em Timor, Centro de Estudos de Madnha,

Lisboa, 1 977.

38. See Forlnan, "Descent, Alliance, and F,xchange Ideology among the Makassae of East Timor", in I.J.

Fox (ed.) The Flow of Llfe: Essays on Eastern Timor, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1980, pp. 1

52N177.

39.Traube, Cosmology and Social Llfe.

40. Joachim K. Metzner, Man and Environment in Eastern Timor, Development Studies Centre, Mono

graph No.8, ANU, Canberra, l977.

4 1. Brigitte Clamagirand, "The Social Organization of the Ema of Timor", in James J. Fox (ed.), The

Flow ofIJlfe: Essays on Eastern Timor, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, l980, pp. 134-1 5 i.

42.William Dampier, A Voyage to New Holland: me English Voyage of Discovery to the South Seas in

1699, Alan Sutton, Glouster, 1981, pp. 172-186.

I 43.Lazarowitz, "The Makassai", p. 72

44.Charles R. Boxer, Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550-1 770, Martinus Nijhoff, 1'he Hague, l948.

45. John Villiers, East ofMalacca, Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, Bangkok, 1 985, p. 67; AHU, Macau

I cx 3 doc No.4, 1748, "Bishop of Macau, D. Frei tlilario ofSanta Rosa to D. Joao V".

46. de Freycinet, Voyage, p. 693. There is some irony in the Frenchman's dry recitation of facts on

slavery, especially as he accepted the oHer of a Timorese slave-boy when in Dili A:om the hand of the

gover nor. Aged between 6-7 and a native of the reino ofFailieor, this boy, Christened JosefJht6nio, died at

the age of 16 in Paris. The story is recounted by de Freyeinet's wife, Rose. See Mamie Bassett, Realms

andlslands: The World Voyage of Rose de Freycinet in the Cowette tlranie 181 7-1820, Oxf7ord

University Press, London, 1962, p.107. A likeness ofJosefAnt6nio also appears in this book.

47. de Freycinet, Voyage, p. 708.

48. Mendes Correa, Iimor Portugue's.

49. Morris, A I3Faveller i Dictionaw, p. 16.

50. I. Wallerstein, The Politics of the World-Economy, CUP, Cambridge, l984, p. 148